The  Heligion  of 
Politics. 


BV 
4260 
M5 
1842 


REV.  EZRA  S.  GANNETT'S 


ELECTION    SERMON 


1842. 


THE    RELIGION    OF    POLITICS. 


SERMON 

DELIVERED    BEFORE 

HIS    EXCELLENCY    JOHN    DAVIS, 

GOVERNOR, 

HIS  HONOR   GEORGE   HULL, 

LIEUTENANT    GOVERNOR, 

THE  HONORABLE  COUNCIL, 

AND 

THE    LEGISLATURE    OF   MASSACHUSETTS, 

iT 

THE    ANNUAL    ELECTION, 

JANUARY  5  ,    1842. 


BY    EZRA    S.GANNETT, 

Junior  Pastor  of  the  Federal  St.  Church  in  Boston. 


lioston: 

DUTTON    AND    WENTWORTH,    PRINTERS    TO    THE    STATE. 

1842. 


LIBRARY 

TlSTTY  OF  CALIFORNIA 
SANTA  BARBARA 


(Kommontoealtt)  of 


HOUSE  OF  REPRESENTATIVES,  JAN.. 6,  1842. 

Ordered,  That  Messrs.  DUGGAN,  of  Quincy, 

GREELE,  of  Boston,  and 
READ,  of  Pawtucket, 

be  a  Committee  to  present  the  thanks  of  the  House  to  the  Rev.  EZKA  S.  GANNETT,  for 
the  able  and  eloquent  Discourse,  delivered  by  him  yesterday,  before  the  Government  of 
the  Commonwealth,  and  to  request  a  copy  thereof  for  publication. 

L.  S.  GUSHING,  Clerk 


SERMON 


1  CORINTHIANS,  x.  31. 

N 

WHETHER  YE  EAT  OR  DRINK,  OR  WHATSOEVER  YE  DO, 
DO  ALL  TO  THE  GLORY  OF  GOD. 

THE  solemnities  of  this  occasion  belong  to  a  Chris- 
tian people.  By  them  religion  is  solicited  to  throw 
her  protection  and  authority  around  the  institutions 
of  the  State.  The  citizen  and  the  magistrate  recog- 
nise their  common  relation  to  a  higher  Power  than 
the  functionary  or  the  State,  and  in  such  recognition 
exchange  the  pledge  of  a  mutual  fidelity.  The  cus- 
tom which  this  day  renews  comes  to  us  from  the 
founders  of  the  Commonwealth — men  of  strong  faith 
and  religious  hearts,  who  erected  their  political  fabric 
as  a  temple  in  which  to  worship  God,  and  inscribed 
over  its  front  the  name  of  the  one  Master  whom  they 
honored,  even  Christ.  The  place  to  which  our  legis- 
lators and  rulers  have  come  upon  entering  on  their 


official  duties  is  the  house  of  prayer  and  Christian  in- 
struction. Every  thing  that  distinguishes  the  occa- 
sion seems  to  point  out  the  course  of  remark  in  which 
he  who  addresses  -this  audience  should  invite  his  hear- 
ers to  follow  him.  The  relation  of  religion  to  poli- 
tics— the  religion  of  political  life — is  the  subject  to 
which  he  is  unequivocally  directed  ;  and  of  which  it 
is  my  purpose  to  treat,  at  such  length  only  as  the  lim- 
its of  the  occasion  will  allow,  but  with  such  plainness 
of  speech  as  should  alone  be  used  before  freemen  by 
one  as  free  as  they  when  speaking  on  their  common 
duties. 

There  is  however  what  may  be  called  a  political 
side  to  this  subject,  on  which  it  would  be  improper 
for  me  to  introduce  any  remarks  at  this  time.  The 
bare  mention  of  religion  and  politics  in  connexion 
alarms  some  minds,  who  fear  lest  the  liberties  of  the 
people  be  invaded  by  zealous  religionists,  or  the  pub- 
lic affairs  of  the  time  be  handled  by  honest  or  ambi- 
tious preachers — in  either  case  wandering  beyond 
their  appropriate  limits.  Let  me  at  the  outset  dis- 
claim all  intention  of  touching  questions  to  which  a 
temporary  interest  only  can  belong,  or  of  assailing 
the  order  of  our  civil  state.  It  is  higher  ground 
which  I  hope  to  occupy  as  I  examine  the  religious 
aspects  of  citizenship.  When  I  speak  of  the  religion 


of  political  life,  I  mean  that  religion  should  control 
men  in  the  exercise  of  their  political  rights  as  it 
should  control  them  in  all  their  other  relations  and 
concerns.  The  religion  of  politics  is  nothing  else 
than  the  application  of  religious  principles  to  politi- 
cal action,  whether  it  be  the  action  of  a  statesman 
or  a  private  citizen,  of  an  individual  or  of  the  com- 
munity. The  politician  should  respect  these  princi- 
ples as  much  as  any  other  man.  Political  opinion, 
political  discussion,  political  life  should  be  brought 
under  the  influence  of  religious  convictions.  This  is 
the  ground  which  I  take,  and  which  I  shall  endeavor 
to  prove  is  the  only  ground  on  which  a  Christian  can 
consistently  stand. 

Religion  should  govern  all  political  sentiment  and 
action.  Why  not?  Why  should  such  a  claim  on 
behalf  of  religion  be  accounted  extravagant,  or  meet 
with  any  other  than  a  unanimous  assent  ?  Is  not 
religion  the  supreme  law  ;  so  acknowledged  by  the 
people  of  this  land,  at  least  by  the  thoughtful  and 
sober  part  of  the  people  ?  We  but  repeat  one  of  the 
common-places  of  the  pulpit,  which  however  disre- 
garded no  one  thinks  of  denying,  when  we  say  that 
the  influence  of  religion  should  be  paramount  in 
every  department  of  life.  We  but  adopt  an  illustra- 
tion with  which  every  one  is  familiar,  when  we  speak 


8 

of  it  as  a  spiritual  atmosphere,  that  must  enclose  the 
institutions  and  movements  of  society,  and  insinuate 
itself  into  every  form  of  personal  existence.  The 
authority  of  religion,  its  right  to  exercise  sway  over 
human  wills  and  human  hearts,  is  admitted  on  all 
sides.  It  is  not  monks  and  nuns,  nor  religious  teach- 
ers and  their  families,  upon  whom  in  these  days  it  is 
believed  that  the  command  to  fear  God  and  work 
righteousness  expends  its  force  ;  it  is  not  men  on 
sick  beds  and  in  dying  moments  alone,  of  whom  it  is 
said,  that  they  ought  to  think  of  the  duty  which  de- 
volves on  them  in  view  of  their  relations  to  God  and 
eternity ;  but  men  and  women  full  of  life,  in  the 
midst  of  life's  cares,  temptations  and  labours — the 
young,  the  vigorous,  the  busy — merchants  in  their 
traffic,  farmers  in  the  fields,  scholars  in  their  studies, 
mechanics  in  their  workshops,  the  wife  and  mother 
in  her  domestic  occupations,  the  daughter  of  toil  at 
her  needle — the  rich,  the  poor — the  wise,  the  sim- 
ple— all  should  be  religious,  heartily,  truly,  constantly 
religious.  This  is  the  doctrine  of  the  present  time  ; 
or  if  it  is  not,  it  should  be.  This  is  the  democratic 
doctrine  about  religion,  and  this  is  the  Christian  doc- 
trine about  religion.  It  includes  all  men  under  one 
law,  and  all  sinners  under  one  condemnation.  Now 
why  shall  the  politician  be  released  from  the  demand 


made  upon  every  one  else  ?  Why  shall  political  life 
form  an  episode  in  the  history  traced  by  successive 
generations  on  the  tablet  of  the  ages,  which  shall  have 
not  only  its  own  rules  of  composition,  but  its  own 
principles  of  moral  interpretation  ?  Shall  mercantile 
life  be  required  to  cover  itself  with  the  sanctity  of 
moral  obligation,  shall  the  demand  of  the  age  be  for 
a  Christian  literature,  shall  there  be  a  general  lamen- 
tation over  the  want  of  faith  and  virtue  ;  and  yet  an 
exception  be  made  in  favor — no,  not  in  favor,  but  to 
the  disadvantage  and  disgrace — of  one  class  of  en- 
gagements, in  which  all  the  people  of  this  country 
participate  ?  Such  injustice  will  not  bear  a  mo- 
ment's examination.  Away  with  it  forever ! 

It  seems  impossible  to  misunderstand  the  language 
of  Christianity  on  this  subject.  Undeniably  it  affirms 
its  right  to  exercise  universal  dominion.  It  takes 
cognisance  of  all  human  action,  extends  its  scrutiny 
to  motives  and  feelings,  and  allows  no  condition,  em- 
ployment or  exigency  to  raise  a  barrier  against  its 
entrance  as  the  messenger  of  God  to  deliver  and  en- 
force his  commands.  It  has  one  and  the  same  in- 
struction for  all  men,  whether  they  live  in  palaces  or 
wander  houseless,  whether  they  are  versed  in  tongues 
or  are  rude  of  speech,  men  of  science  or  men  of 
handicraft,  subjects  of  a  monarchy  or  citizens  of  a 
2 


10 

republic  ;  to  them  all  it  says,  Hearken  and  obey — 
walk  by  faith — lead  holy  lives — fulfil  all  righteous- 
ness. Even  if  this  be  called  by  the  unbeliever  the 
pretension  or  the  arrogance  of  Christianity,  he  must 
admit  that  the  claim  which  it  sets  up  is  as  broad  as 
human  existence.  Wherever  the  religion  of  the  New 
Testament  can  reach  a  man,  over  him  it  asserts  its 
authority.  No  place  so  public,  no  spot  so  private,  no 
situation  so  humble,  no  office  so  high,  that  Christian- 
ity will  not  rise  to  its  eminence,  descend  to  its  depth, 
penetrate  its  seclusion,  occupy  its  position,  and  still 
reiterate  the  same  language, — speaking  as  one  having 
authority,  because  it  speaks  in  the  name  and  in 
behalf  of  the  Almighty.  From  the  first  has  it  ad- 
vanced this  claim  of  unlimited  empire ;  its  preroga- 
tives change  not  with  the  mutations  of  society.  It 
still  shows  a  charter  of  "  divine  right "  for  the  sov- 
ereignty at  which  it  aims.  It  still  claims,  as  it  always 
has  demanded,  and  ever  will  demand  till  it  shall 
acquire,  dominion  over  all  classes, — from  the  slave  of 
toil  to  the  heir  of  a  throne,  from  the  pauper  whom 
the  charity  of  the  State  supports  to  the  Ruler  by 
whom  the  majesty  of  the  State  is  represented. 

It  is  important  however  that  we  have  right  con- 
ceptions of  the  nature  of  this  dominion.  Christian- 
ity, as  we  have  noticed,  aims  at  exerting  a  control 


11 

over  the  motives,  feelings  and  unseen  life.  It  asks 
not  for  outward  deference,  but  for  inward  submission. 
The  conscience,  the  heart,  the  will  must  bow  to  its 
authority.  A  respect  which  lies  on  the  surface  only 
of  the  character,  or  which  glides  from  the  tongue 
like  the  schoolboy's  recitation  of  a  few  well-conned 
sentences,  is  not  W7hat  the  Christian  owes  to  his  reli- 
gion, nor  what  it  will  accept  in  place  of  that  homage 
of  the  soul  which  is  the  only  proof  of  an  insight  into 
its  nature.  Strange  that  men  should  ever  think  to 
deceive  God  by  playing  the  parrot  or  the  hypocrite  ! 
There  are  many  who  make  the  fatal  mistake  of  sub- 
stituting profession  for  reality ;  and  in  a  community 
who  hold  religion  in  high  regard  there  may  be  politi- 
cians who  will  take  this  course  in  the  hope  of  win- 
ning their  fellow-men.  If  they  succeed,  they  only 
effect  a  selfish  purpose ;  they  do  not  illustrate  the 
influence  of  religion. 

Neither  is  it  an  attention  to  forms,  however  sin- 
cere, nor  a  use  of  institutions,  however  constant, 
that  will  satisfy  the  demands  of  Christianity.  It  re- 
quires something  more  than  reverence  for  the  means 
by  which  it  binds  its  power  upon  the  disciple.  The 
age  in  which  faith  terminates  in  the  means  of  relig- 
ion is  the  precursor  of  an  age  of  unbelief.  Ceremo- 
nies are  but  the  ghosts  of  dead  professions,  unless  a 


12 

living  faith  convert  them  into  ministers  of  goodness. 
Forms  are  needed,  institutions  are  all  but  essential ; 
but  they  are  only  the  garments  in  which  the  Divine 
spirit  of  religion  must  be  clad  for  its  exposure  to  a 
cold  and  ungenial  world.  Many  are  there  who  look 
with  profound  respect  upon  the  dress,  but  think  not 
whether  it  covers  a  divinity  or  a  fiction.  How  have 
men — great  statesmen  and  small  politicians  as  well 
as  others — praised  the  Established  Church  of  England, 
and  actually  stood  in  awe  of  its  majesty,  when  the 
thought  of  its  spiritual  relation  to  themselves  or  any 
one  else  had  perhaps  never  crossed  their  minds. 

It  is  not  reverence  at  certain  times — a  periodical 
service — by  which  men  are  required  to  prove  them- 
selves disciples  of  Christ.  Righteousness,  holiness, 
is  not  confined  to  any  hour  or  place.  The  sanctuary 
whose  walls  the  hands  of  labour  have  raised,  is  not 
the  only  house  of  God.  There  is  a  temple  which  the 
Divine  Architect  has  reared,  whose  walls  are  immor- 
tal, in  which  his  worship  must  be  maintained  by  fa- 
culties ever  conscious  of  his  presence.  There  is  an 
altar,  the  altar  of  the  heart,  on  which  a  perpetual 
sacrifice  must  be  presented. 

That  sacrifice  too  must  be  a  whole  burnt-offering. 
The  man  must  give  himself  to  God,  "  a  living  sacri- 
fice," in  body  and  in  soul,  which  is  but  his  "  rea- 


13 

sonable  service."  I  pause  not  from  my  original  pur- 
pose, to  show  how  reasonable ;  but  I  insist  upon  the 
truth  that  a  partial  obedience,  in  whatever  sense  it 
be  partial,  will  not  meet  the  requisitions  of  Christi- 
anity. It  is  neither  a  part  of  human  nature,  nor  a 
part  of  human  life,  which  must  be  devoted  to  relig- 
ion ;  but  the  whole — the  whole  of  life,  the  whole  of 
man.  The  man  must  be  thoroughly,  habitually,  en- 
tirely religious.  His  loftiest  purposes  and  grandest 
conceptions,  his  most  familiar  exercises  and  meanest 
employments,  his  whole  impulse,  energy  and  activi- 
ty must  be  sanctified  by  faith — faith  in  God  and  his 
will,  in  Christ  and  his  revelations.  "  Whether  he 
eat  or  drink,  or  whatever  he  do,  he  must  do  all  to 
the  glory  of  God."  Whatever  he  do.  Mark  the 
words.  They  leave  room  for  no  exception.  What- 
ever be  the  nature  of  one's  engagements,  public  or 
private  ;  wherever  he  be,  in  the  house  or  the 
street ;  whenever  his  course  be  examined,  on  Sunday 
or  week-day,  morning,  noon,  or  night ;  he  must  be 
found  living  to  God's  glory, — through  faith,  I  repeat, 
and  through  the  obedience  which  is  the  consequence 
of  faith.  Character  is  the  service  which  he  must 
render. 

A  character  of  which  the  principle  is  indicated  by 
the  words  of  the  Apostle,  will  obtain  a  twofold  devel- 


14 

opment,  as  it  shall  seek  the  direction  on  the  one 
hand  of  piety,  and  on  the  other  of  morality.  Each 
of  these  forms  of  growth  will  proceed  from  an  idea 
as  its  germ  ;  the  one  from  the  idea  of  God,  the  other 
from  the  idea  of  man.  The  idea  of  God, — the  Su- 
preme, Eternal,  Infinite  Being,  whose  will  nothing 
can  overrule,  but  whose  unimpeachable  perfection  is 
a  guarantee  for  the  rectitude  of  his  government. 

God,  the  mighty  source 
Of  all  things,  the  stupendous  force 

On  which  all  things  depend ; 
From  whose  right  arm,  beneath  whose  eyes, 
All  period,  power,  and  enterprise 

Commence  and  reign  and  end. 

"  He  is  Governor  among  the  nations ;  but  justice 
and  judgment  are  the  habitation  of  his  throne." 
"  Thine,  O  Lord,  are  the  greatness,  and  the  power, 
and  the  glory,  and  the  victory,  and  the  majesty  ;  for 
all  that  is  in  the  heaven  and  in  the  earth  is  thine ; 
thine  is  the  kingdom,  and  thou  art  exalted  as  Head 
above  all.  Both  riches  and  honour  come  of  thee,  and 
thou  reignest  over  all :  and  in  thine  hand  is  power 
and  might,  and  in  thine  hand  it  is  to  make  great  and 
to  give  strength  unto  all."  Worthily,  so  far  as  lan- 
guage could  go,  did  the  greatest  of  Israel's  monarchs, 
and  one  of  the  first  of  human  bards,  in  these  words 
celebrate  the  majesty  of  Him  who  is  Higher  than  the 


15 

highest,  the  Maker,  Guardian,  and  Sovereign  of  the 
universe.  Religion  adopts  this  description  as  the 
groundwork  of  its  sentiments  and  exercises.  With 
God  it  begins,  to  Him  it  returns,  in  Him  it  rests. 

o  7  ' 

To  Him  it  traces  all  blessing,  from  Him  receives  di- 
rection concerning  the  aim  and  course  of  life,  and  as 
its  first  and  last  and  central  principle  aspires  to  "  do 
all  things  to  his  glory."  Led  to  Him  as  the  Creator 
by  his  works,  which  it  contemplates,  reminded  of  Him 
as  the  Almighty  Ruler  by  his  providence,  the  aspects 
of  which  it  reverently  studies,  and  taught  to  call  Him 
the  Father  by  Christ,  to  whose  instructions  it  yields  a 
joyful  obedience,  it  revolves  around  the  Supreme  Be- 
ing as  its  light  and  security,  through  its  relation  to 
whom  it  is  safe  amidst  the  world's  commotions  and 
blessed  in  life's  decay. 

The  idea  of  man — this  is  the  other  point  of  depar- 
ture from  which  religion  will  seek  its  appropriate 
issues  ;  of  man  in  those  attributes  which  are  the  uni- 
versal endowment  of  our  race,  and  not  in  the  artifi- 
cial prerogatives  which  distinguish  a  part  of  mankind 
— one  nation,  or  one  class  in  society  ;  of  man  the 
partaker  of  a  common  humanity,  before  whose  inde- 
structible capacities,  rights  and  destinies  the  distinc- 
tions of  colour,  wealth  and  office  fade  away,  as  the 
glare  of  night-lamps  which  shed  illumination  over  a 


16 

few  feet  of  space  before  the  beams  of  the  sun  which 
enwrap  the  whole  land  in  their  brightness.  This 
idea  of  man,  as  everywhere  the  creature  of  God,  and 
therefore  dependent,  everywhere  the  child  of  God, 
and  therefore  in  his  nature  proclaiming  himself  of  a 
nobler  lineage  than  if  he  could  show  an  ancestral 
register  bearing  the  names  of  half  the  monarchs  of 
the  earth,  as  everywhere  the  same  in  virtue  of  his 
indefeasible  possession  of  reason,  conscience  and  im- 
mortality, and  therefore  entitled  to  fraternal  treat- 
ment from  his  fellow-men, — this  idea  whence  came 
it?  Where  did  our  fathers  learn  that  men  were 
"  born  free  and  equal  "  ?  From  the  religion  of  the 
New  Testament,  for  centuries  a  sealed  book,  and 
from  whose  truths  when  opened  the  darkness  of  ages 
did  but  slowly  disappear.  "  Equal ;"  not  "  free  " 
only, — this  latter  word  might  seem  to  be  used  with 
some  license  of  speech, — but  equal,  in  the  essential 
gifts  and  purposes  of  existence.  Christianity  by 
addressing  the  common  nature  and  unfolding  the 
immortal  destiny  of  mankind  has  shown  a  broad 
ground,  on  which  all  may  meet  and  lift  up  the  chorus 
of  a  united  and  acknowledged  brotherhood.  The 
framers  of  our  Declaration  of  Independence  thought 
they  were  proclaiming  a  political  axiom,  when  they 
republished  one  of  the  great  revelations  of  the  Gos- 


17 

pel,  the  full  meaning  of  which  can  be  learned  only 
through  sympathy  with  him  who  came  to  save  the 
lost  and  reconcile  the  estranged.  "  The  common 
people,"  it  is  said,  "  heard  him  gladly."  And  the 
people  it  is  who  should  welcome  his  religion,  which 
condemns  the  selfishness  alike  of  the  tyrant  and  of 
the  demagogue,  and  rebukes  at  once  the  arrogance 
of  an  aristocratic  and  the  meanness  of  a  servile 
spirit  by  its  pregnant  charge  to  "  honor  all  men." 
All  men  ?  What,  of  every  class  and  condition  ?  Yes, 
men  of  every  name,  rank,  and  complexion.  Hear  it, 
ye  slaves,  and  ye  masters  of  America.  Hear  it,  ye 
nobility,  and  you  the  starving  millions  of  Britain. 
Hear  it,  ye  rulers,  and  ye  defrauded  and  oppressed 
subjects  of  Continental  Europe.  Aye,  hear  it,  ye 
nations  of  the  East,  where  first  the  blessed  words 
were  spoken,  though  since  long  buried  in  oblivion. 
Words  of  righteous  and  joyful  import  to  those  to 
whom  false  opinion  and  unjust  institutions  have  denied 
the  place  which  by  the  will  of  their  Creator  they  are 
entitled  to  hold, — standing  erect  by  the  side  of  their 
fellow-men,  and  not  crouching  submissively  at  the 
feet  which  trample  or  spurn  them.  Alas !  how  few 
yet  comprehend  the  law,  on  which  the  morality  of 
every  Christian  people,  and  every  Christian  believer, 
should  be  built — "  Thou  shalt  love  thy  neighbour," 


18 

be  he  who  he  may,  thou  shall  love  him  "as  thy- 
self." 

It  must  now  appear  in  what  sense  I  use  the  expres- 
sion, the  religion  of  politics.  We  sometimes  hear 
of  the  morality  of  political  life,  but  the  term  is  not 
comprehensive  enough  for  my  purpose.  I  do  not  in- 
deed acknowledge  a  morality  that  is  not  based  on 
faith  in  God,  whose  will  is  the  only  standard,  as  from 
his  government  must  be  derived  the  sanctions,  of  vir- 
tue. But  a  compliance  with  the  requisitions  of  mo- 
rality is  not  all  that  should  be  demanded  of  him  who 
enters  political  life,  or  of  any  one  in  the  discharge  of 
his  functions  as  a  citizen.  He  should  remember  what 
is  due  to  God,  as  well  as  what  is  due  to  man.  Let 
us  see  how  the  principles  which  we  have  laid  down 
will  affect  political  action. 

First,  a  man  must  carry  into  political  life  a  sense  of 
God  as  the  Source  of  power  and  privilege.  The  air 
and  the  light  are  not  more  truly  his  gifts  than  are 
the  civil  institutions  which  we  enjoy.  We  are  fond 
of  describing  the  virtues  and  deeds  of  our  ances- 
tors ;  our  grandsires  are  regarded  with  mingled  admi- 
ration and  gratitude.  It  is  well  that  we  turn  back 
to  those  days  of  fortitude  and  energy,  and  seek  there 
the  springs  of  our  present  prosperity.  But  our  grat- 
itude must  not  rest  in  the  men  of  that  pe  riod.  They 


19 

were  but  the  instruments  of  a  higher  will,  the  agents 
of  a  mightier  strength  than  their  own.  Those  pa- 
triots of  the  revolution,  and  their  progenitors  who 
planted  the  seed  of  liberty  wherever  they  took  up 
their  habitation  on  this  soil,  were  the  last  men  to  have 
claimed  for  themselves  the  praise,  as  if  in  their  own 
self-derived  wisdom  or  force  they  had  achieved  the 
works  which  history  will  connect  with  their  names. 
"  Not  unto  us,  not  unto  us,"  would  have  been  their 
cry,  if  they  could  have  foreseen  the  sentiments  of 
their  posterity,  "  but  to  thy  name,  O  Lord,  be  the 
glory."  Nay,  such  was  their  language.  The  Pil- 
grims, with  all  their  faults — for  faultless  they  were 
not — were  men  of  an  ardent  piety,  whose  faith  rose 
up  to  heaven  with  an  almost  profane  confidence  and 
laid  hold  on  the  arm  of  God  as  their  sustaining  and 
guiding  power.  The  heroes  of  the  revolutionary 
struggle — that  struggle  which  began  long  before  blood 
was  shed  on  yonder  height — looked  up  to  Heaven 
to  approve  their  cause,  and  when  He  whom  they  in- 
voked had  crowned  it  with  success  poured  out  their 
thanksgiving  at  his  altars.  And  shall  we,  their  sons, 
forget  the  God  whom  our  fathers  acknowledged  ?  It 
is  a  good  thing  to  celebrate  their  deeds  and  keep  their 
memories  hung  round  with  fresh  tributes  of  love  ;  but 
let  them  not  receive  our  final  homage.  Oh  no  !  Let 


20 

that  pass  beyond  them  to  the  Eternal  Fountain  of 
good,  from  whom  our  liberties  and  our  institutions 
have  been  received  through  these  channels  which  his 
Providence  selected.  Look  abroad,  my  hearers,  up- 
on this  great  land,  with  its  spreading  population.  See 
what  a  country  is  yours, — washed  by  two  oceans, 
and  stretching  from  the  arctic  to  the  torrid  zone. 
Note  its  immense  resources ;  its  mountains  reaching 
to  the  skies,  its  vallies  nestling  in  the  bosom  of  sun- 
shine, its  rivers  on  which  a  nation's  traffic  may  be 
borne,  and  its  lakes  on  which  the  navies  of  the  earth 
might  ride.  Mark  its  capacities  in  their  as  yet  inci- 
pient state  of  development  ;  its  various  fertility,  its 
mineral  wealth,  its  gigantic  promise  of  support  for  fu- 
ture generations.  Survey  the  people  of  this  Union, 
pursuing  their  several  branches  of  enterprise  and  in- 
dustry, with  none  to  hinder  or  molest.  Ponder  the 
statistics  of  your  country's  growth.  See  the  iron  rods 
of  communication  along  which  the  electricity  of  life 
will  be  transmitted  from  the  Atlantic  shores  to  the 
distant  West.  Examine  the  architecture  of  that  so- 
cial order  under  whose  security  you  live,  simple,  yet 
firm,  a  model  for  other  communities  in  its  principles, 
and  a  blessing  to  ourselves  in  the  protection  it  extends 
over  us, — all  the  protection  (but  no  more)  that  a 
freeman  needs.  And  when  you  have  filled  your  con- 


21 

temptation  with  the  spectacles  presented  by  your  own 
beloved  Republic,  then  bless  the  Lord  for  his  goodness 
and  his  wonderful  loving-kindness ;  for  it  is  He  who 
has  given  us  this  ample  heritage.  If  ever  men  were 
bound  to  own  that  God  is  good,  it  is  the  people  of 
these  United  States.  If  ever  a  community  on  earth 
should  be  distinguished  by  religious  sensibility,  it  is 
this  of  which  we  are  a  part. 

With  this  recognition  of  the  Divine  power  and 
goodness  must  be  united  a  sense  of  the  responsible- 
ness  under  which  every  one  lies  before  God.  These 
privileges — many  and  great — of  which  we  have 
spoken  are  entrusted  to  us  by  One,  the  righteous 
principle  of  whose  government  it  is,  that  to  whom 
much  is  committed,  of  them  will  much  be  required. 
Our  political  advantages  lay  on  us  a  peculiar  weight 
of  obligation.  We  are  accountable,  we  shall  be  held 
accountable,  for  the  use  we  make  of  freedom  and  of 
power.  What  is  freedom  ?  It  is  liberty  to  do  right — 
nothing  more  than  this  ;  what  more  could  an  honest 
man  desire  ?  But  mark,  the  liberty  imposes  the  duty. 
The  freeman  must  do  right,  or  his  immunities  will  en- 
hance his  guilt  and  deepen  his  condemnation.  The 
power  which  is  committed  to  the  hands  of  every  citi- 
zen of  this  Commonwealth — the  power  of  controlling 
public  sentiment  through  his  speech  and  of  directing 


the  public  affairs  through  his  vote — the  power  of  na- 
tional sovereignty  in  which  he  participates  as  one  of  the 
sovereign  people — is  a  solemn  trust.  He  by  whom 
it  is  abused  sins ;  he  by  whom  it  is  neglected  sins. 
His  guilt  may  never  come  under  the  notice  of  his 
fellow-men,  but  it  will  be  established  before  a  higher 
tribunal  than  any  which  they  can  erect.  Every  poli- 
tical act  is  a  moral  act,  in  view  of  the  principle  which 
we  have  expounded,  that  whatever  we  do,  all  must  be 
done  to  the  glory  of  God.  Through  the  force  of  this 
principle  it  acquires  a  religious  or  an  irreligious  char- 
acter ;  is  clothed  with  a  fearful  significance,  as  it  in- 
dicates the  condition  of  the  inward  life  ;  and  is  link- 
ed to  everlasting  consequences,  as  it  forms  part  of 
the  history  of  an  immortal  being.  Whatever  is  done, 
whether  in  public  places  or  in  secret  chambers,  is 
done  in  the  sight  of  God.  And  over  the  least  as 
well  as  the  greatest  of  human  actions  has  He  extend- 
ed the  law  of  duty.  Duty !  that  word  which  ex- 
presses man's  glory  and  his  peril.  God  save  us 
from  disregarding  its  import ! 

The  necessary  consequence  of  entertaining  this 
sense  of  obligation  will  be  the  preservation  of  one's 
integrity,  which  is  the  next  point  that  claims  our 
notice  in  considering  the  influence  of  religion  upon 
politics.  A  man  who  acts  religiously  will  act  con- 


23 

scientiously,  unless  he  grossly  mistake  the  meanng 
of  the  former  word.  He  will  endeavour  to  maintain 
a  clean  heart  and  a  clean  tongue.  Whatever  would 
debase  his  character  he  will  avoid  as  he  would  shun  a 
pestilence ;  he  will  dread  moral  disease  more  than 
natural  death.  Let  such  a  man  enter  on  the  perform- 
ance of  any  service  which  devolves  on  him  through 
his  relation  to  the  State,  and  he  will  proceed  as  to  a 
work  demanding  high  and  holy  principle.  He  will 
esteem  it  treason  to  his  country  to  let  go  his  own  rec- 
titude of  soul.  Temptation  to  sacrifice  his  upright- 
ness to  interest  will  only  make  him  more  resolute. 
The  persuasion  of  example  will  be  as  vain  as  an  open 
bribe.  The  question  he  will  ask  in  each  case  is, — 
not  what  will  custom  or  public  opinion  allow,  but — 
what  ought  I  to  do.  He  will  pursue  this  course  of 
fidelity,  alike  to  himself  and  to  the  trusts  which  he  is 
called  to  execute,  because  he  accounts  the  obligations 
of  righteousness  to  be  immutable.  And  here  his 
judgment  is  according  to  the  truth.  There  is  no 
sphere  or  scene  of  life  which  gives  a  man  the  privi- 
lege of  doing  wrong ;  no  land  of  license,  nor  castle 
of  power,  where  he  is  exempt  from  the  authority  of 
religion.  Neither  the  throne  nor  the  senate-house, 
the  secret  conclave  nor  the  popular  assembly,  can 
shield  one  from  the  force  of  that  primary  law  of  hu- 


24 

,f 
man  action — thou  shalt  not  sin  against  thine  own 

soul.  Purity  of  purpose  and  sincerity  of  conduct 
must  preserve  the  citizen  from  the  taint  of  evil,  or  he 
will  become  corrupt,  and  if  he  do  not  disgust,  will 
corrupt  others. 

1  have  intimated  that  justice  should  pervade  both 
the  sentiment  and  the  action  of  political  life.  I  now 
add,  that  another  element  of  the  Christian  character, 
love,  must  be  brought  into  exercise.  Selfishness 
must  be  banished  from  this  ground,  as  from  every 
other.  Need  that  commandment  of  our  religion,  to 
which  the  command,  to  love  God,  alone  has  prece- 
dence, be  observed  only  under  certain  relations  ;  or 
was  it  meant  to  bind  the  individual,  and  the  world, 
in  any  and  all  possible  relations  of  existence  ?  May 
the  law  of  brotherly  love  be  virtually  abrogated  by 
the  institutions  or  the  habits  of  society  ?  If  not, 
then  we  must  consider  the  good  of  others  as  well  as 
our  own, — not  only  respect  their  rights,  but  labor  to 
advance  their  interests.  The  Apostolic  maxim 
should  find  place  among  the  principles  adopted  by 
politicians, — "look  not  every  man  on  his  own  things, 
but  every  man  also  on  the  things  of  others."  The 
"  charity  that  envieth  not,  that  vaunteth  not  itself,  is 
not  puffed  up,  doth  not  behave  itself  unseemly, 
seeketh  not  her  own,  is  not  easily  provoked,  thinketh 


25 

no  evil,  rejoiceth  not  in  iniquity,  but  rejoiceth  in  the 
truth" — does  it  not  almost  seem  as  if  the  portraiture 
was  drawn  in  view  of  the  contrast  often  exhibited 
by  men  in  their  political  relations  ? — this  charity 
must  be  preserved,  its  image  unbroken,  amidst  all 
the  struggle  and  competition  of  public  or  of  private 
life. 

I  need  go  no  farther  in  detailing  the  influence 
which  religion  should  have  on  politics  ; — on  its  theory 
and  its  practice.  On  its  theory,  by  banishing  what- 
ever is  inconsistent  with  the  Divine  will  or  with  the 
welfare  of  the  whole  human  race.  On  its  practice, 
by  causing  every  one  to  act  under  a  sense  of  God's 
goodness  and  his  own  responsibleness,  with  upright- 
ness of  soul  and  in  the  spirit  of  Christian  love.  The 
principles  of  political  action  should  harmonize  with 
the  principles  of  a  perfect  character,  and  no  single 
act  be  allowed  that  would  offend  these  principles. 
The  consistent  politician  in  a  Christian  land  is  he 
who  can  invite  the  scrutiny  of  Omniscience  upon 
his  motives,  while  his  outward  life  is  shaped  by  his 
inward  purposes.  See  you  a  man  who  in  the  heat 
of  a  political  conflict,  or  the  toil  of  public  service, 
keeps  himself  humble,  pure  and  disinterested  ;  who 
never  violates  his  conscience,  and  never  forgets  his 
God ;  who  never  lets  the  prospect  of  loss  or  the  hope 
4 


26 

of  advantage  hire  him  from  the  straight  course  of 
duty ;  who  illustrates  in  his  own  example  the  fine 
motto  of  the  knight  of  chivalry — "  without  fear  and 
without  reproach ;"  who  scorns  to  compass  an  end, 
though  noble,  by  unworthy  means,  and  would  reject 
with  loathing  a  proposal  to  substitute  expedients  for 
principles  ;  see  you  such  an  one  ?  Honour  him,  be 
his  station  what  it  may  ;  take  him  for  your  model ; 
give  him  office,  if  he  will  accept  it ;  give  him  your 
hearts,  if  he  -refuses  your  votes.  The  Christian  pol- 
itician !  one  of  the  noblest  specimens  of  humanity  ; 
who  can  tread  dark  and  perilous  ways,  and  not 
stumble  ;  can  serve  his  fellow-men  without  degrad- 
ing himself  or  offending  his  Maker.  The  Christian 
citizen  !  who  asks  God's  blessing  upon  his  discharge 
of  the  functions  that  belong  to  him  as  the  inhabitant 
of  a  free  country  ;  who  appreciates  the  worth  of  his 
privileges,  and  feels  the  solemnity  of  his  duties ;  who 
forms  his  opinions  carefully,  and  expresses  them 
manfully,  though  candidly ;  who  when  he  helps  to 
elect  a  fellow-citizen  to  take  charge  of  the  interests 
of  the  town,  the  Commonwealth,  or  the  land,  is  im- 
pressed with  the  sacredness  of  his  own  act ;  wh  o 
upholds  good  institutions  because  he  wishes  to  see 
them  prosper,  and  not  for  any  sinister  end  ;  who 
supports  the  measures  which  his  understanding  and 


27 

conscience  approve,  and  will  have  nothing  to  do  with 
any  other  institutions  or  measures  ; — such  a  man, 
though  his  hands  be  callous  with  labour  or  his  clothes 

o 

threadbare  through  poverty,  deserves  the  respect  of 
the  community.  I  would  rather  be  such  a  man  than 
a  second  Napoleon  cutting  Europe  into  kingdoms 
and  tossing  crowns  to  his  favorites. 

All  that  I  have  now  said,  I  trust,  approves  itself  to 
the  minds  of  those  whom  1  address.  I  have  raised 
no  structure  of  requisition  for  which  I  had  not  first 
secured  deep  and  broad  foundations.  If  the  views 
we  have  taken  of  the  authority  and  extent  of  the  Di- 
vine government  as  expounded  by  Christianity  are  just, 
it  follows  that  men  should  be  devout,  upright  and  be- 
nevolent everywhere  ;  that  is,  in  all  situations  as  well 
as  in  all  places ;  in  the  State-house  in  Boston,  and  in 
the  Capitol  at  Washington,  in  a  President's  Cabinet, 
and  in  a  Governor's  Council-chamber,  in  a  politi- 
cal caucus,  and  at  the  freeman's  ballot-box.  Religion 
must  control  and  sanctify  the  whole  life  of  the  indi- 
vidual and  of  the  nation.  And  yet  this  doctrine  is 
repudiated  ;  yes,  openly  and  in  high  places.  And  this 
doctrine  of  repudiation, — not  a  birth  of  yesterday, 
but  as  old  as  civil  government, — is  that  which  should 
be  most  indignantly  rejected  by  honest  men  and  good 
citizens.  It  is  said,  that  men  need  not  be  as  scrupu- 


28 

lous  in  their  public  as  in  their  private  relations.  There 
is  a  morality  for  the  public  man,  and  another  for  the 
private  citizen.  There  are  two  standards  of  conduct 
even  for  the  same  person,  in  his  private  and  in  his 
public  capacity.  1  have  heard  it  said  by  those  who 
knew  him  well  that  an  individual  of  great  influence, 
who  had  been  placed  in  the  most  elevated  offices 
within  the  people's  gift,  was  a  man  of  strict  in- 
tegrity and  the  mildest  character  in  his  private  con- 
nexions, though  as  a  politician  he  was  distinguished 
for  his  disregard  of  truth,  his  violence,  and  his  use  of 
any  means  to  carry  the  ends  which  his  party  espoused. 
And  on  the  other  hand  we  hear  men  whose  private  vi- 
ces are  notorious — profane,  profligate,  unprincipled — 
commended  for  the  consistency  and  purity  of  their  po- 
litical course.  Is  not  this  wrong,  is  it  not  deplorable  ? 
Shall  we  for  a  moment  countenance  this  distinction 
between  public  and  private  character,  as  if  they  were 
not  subject  to  the  same  principles  of  moral  judgment  ? 
Shall  they  in  whose  veins  Puritan  blood  runs  freely 
admit  a  doctrine,  the  bare  mention  of  which  would 
have  made  Winthrop  and  Bradford  and  a  thousand 
more  like  them  tremble  with  horror  ?  It  came  not 
from  them,  it  does  not  belong  to  the  New  England  soil. 

~  o 

It  came  from  the  corrupt   Courts  of  Europe,  from 
ages  when  Christianity  was  scarcely  known,  and  from 


29 

scenes  where  its  influence  was  unfelt.  To  the  Old 
World  let  it  be  restored ;  to  past  ages  be  it  con- 
signed. And  let  us  no  more  hear  the  abominable  doc- 

o 

trine — as   irrational   as    it   is  detestable — that  what 
would  be  scandalous  in  private  life  may  be  just  and 
commendable  in  the  management  of  political  affairs. 
I  reaffirm,  that  religion  should  purify  the  currents  of 
thought  and  control  the  movements,  whether  secret  or 
open,  that  belong  to  this  part  of  human  agency.    And 
if  I  needed  other  support  for  this  assertion  than  is  fur- 
nished by  the  very  terms  in  which  it  is  expressed,  I 
might    quote   the  words  of  Washington,  who    in   his 
Farewell  Address,   after  remarking  that  "  of  all  the 
dispositions  and  habits  which  lead  to  political  prospe- 
rity, religion  and  morality  are  indispensable  supports," 
adds,  "  In  vain  would  that  man  claim  the  tribute  of 
patriotism  who  should  labour  to  subvert  these   o;reat 
pillars  of  human  happiness,  these  firmest  props  of  the 
duties  of  men  and  citizens.      The  mere  politician, 
equally  with  the  pious  man,  ought  to  respect  and  cher- 
ish   them."     "  And  let  us,"  he  further  adds,  "  with 
caution  indulge  the  supposition  that  morality  can  be 
maintained  without  religion.     Whatever  may  be  con- 
ceded to  the  influence  of  refined  education  on  minds 
of  peculiar  structure,  reason  and  experience  both  for- 
bid us  to  expect  that  national  morality  can  prevail  in 


30 

exclusion  of  religious  principle."  Words  worthy  to 
be  inscribed  over  every  hall  of  legislation  and  every 
place  of  public  resort  in  this  or  any  other  land. 

The  principles  which  have  now  been  presented 
must  not  be  confined  to  individual  action.  They 
should  also  control  the  associated  energy  which  makes 

o^ 

politics  the  scene  of  its  efforts.  Political  parties 
should  respect  these  principles.  Any  organization  or 
enterprise  in  which  they  are  disregarded  should  meet 
with  instant  rebuke.  The  existence  of  parties  may 
not  be  regretted.  They  are  useful,  and  they  are  in- 
separable from  any  system  of  government  which  gives 
to  the  people  an  interest  in  the  management  of  pub- 
lic affairs,  or  which  even  permits  discussion  upon  pub- 
lic measures.  Where  men  form  and  express  opinions, 
variety  of  opinion  will  be  sure  to  spring  up ;  discus- 
sion will  elicit  sympathy  and  enkindle  debate.  Here 
we  have  at  once  the  elements  of  party.  Its  advanta- 
ges, in  the  more  thorough  examination  to  which  meas- 
ures of  general  or  local  importance  are  subjected, 
and  in  the  restrictions  which  reciprocal  vigilance  im- 
poses upon  the  use  of  power  or  opportunity,  are  as 
great  as  they  are  obvious.  It  is,  then,  both  foolish 
and  useless  to  inveigh  against  parties  as  in  themselves 
evil.  Let  them  be  formed  on  correct  principles,  and 
conducted  in  a  right  spirit,  and  they  will  be  found 


31 

among  the  best  securities  of  liberty  and  the  most  ef- 
fectual   means   of    intelligence.     But  let   them    be 
formed  on  unsound  principles,  or  without  principle,  or 
let  them  be  conducted  in  a  greedy  or  vindictive  spir- 
it, and  they  will  become  the  occasions  of  incalculable 
mischief.    When  falsehood  and  violence  are  the  wea- 
pons which  one  party  provokes  another  to  adopt;  when 
the  passions  of  men  are  addressed,  and  their  prejudi- 
ces are  fostered  instead  of  being  enlightened  ;    when 
the  aim  is  not  to  serve  the  country  so  much  as  on  the 
one    side  to    get,  and   on  the  other  to  retain  power  ; 
when  recourse  is  had  to  means  for  baffling  an  oppo- 
nent or  securing  a  triumph,  which  the  very  men  who 
guide  the  party  would  be  ashamed  to  use  as  private 
individuals ;  when  excitement  is  made  the  great  in- 
strument of  success,  and  the  people  are  carried  along 
blindfold  by  sympathy,  like  a  herd  of  animals,  moved 
by  an  impulse  which  they  are  unable  to  explain  and 
care  not  to  understand ;  when  office  is  the  prize  that 
stimulates  exertion,  and  worldly  gain  the  object  which 
lies    at  the   heart  of  party  strife ;  then  is  that  which 
might  be  a  blessing  converted  into  a  curse.    Vice  and 
ruin  are  its  fruits.     A  despotism  could  not  inflict  on  a 
country  greater  evils  than  must  result  from  the  action 
of  parties  born  of  selfishness  and  nursed  in  injustice. 
It  is  sad  to  believe — yet  who  can  deny — that  politi- 


32 

cal  parties  in  this  country  bear  too  much  the  charac- 
ter which  we  have  described.  Oh !  for  a  party  that 
shall  plant  itself  upon  principle,  shall  appeal  to  the 
good  sense  and  candid  judgment  of  the  people,  shall 
look  not  at  reward,  but  at  duty,  and  shall  adopt  no 
measures  but  such  as  virtue  can  approve  and  on  which 
religion  can  invoke  the  benediction  of  a  righteous 
God.  A  party  composed  of  good  men  and  true  patri- 
ots, each  of  whom  should  interpret  the  charge  which 
the  Roman  Senate  gave  to  the  Dictator  whom  public 
emergencies  called  into  office  as  applicable  to  himself 
and  as  indicating  the  aim  which  he  must  pursue,  let 
the  cost  to  himself  or  the  consequence  to  his  party 
be  what  it  may, — "  see  that  the  Republic  sustain  no 
harm," — such  a  party  would  be  the  salvation  and 
glory  of  our  land. 

Sentiments  are  advanced  which  contradict  this  view 
of  duty.  Maxims  of  political  action  have  been  pro- 
mulgated,— not  only  in  the  fierce  struggle  that  attends 
an  election,  but  in  calmer  moments, — which  shock 
common  sense  as  well  as  religious  feeling.  It  is  said, 
but  by  no  one  it  may  be  presumed  who  has  any  sense 
of  character,  that  all  is  fair  in  politics  ;  as  if  success 
were  the  only  thing  to  be  regarded.  But  I  need  not 
stop  to  expose  such  an  atrocious  rule  of  action,  which 
would  justify  whatever  is  base  or  criminal.  It  is  urg- 


33 

ed,  however,  in  vindication  of  methods  of  acquiring 
influence  which  offend  a  clear-sighted  conscience, 
that  if  a  party  cannot  prevail  but  by  using  the  weapons 
with  which  it  is  attacked,  it  must  resort  to  these  means 
of  self-preservation.  What  is  this  but  another  way  of 
expressing  the  doctrine  on  the  enormity  of  which 
we  have  just  remarked  ?  Self-preservation  should  not 
be  the  object  most  studied  by  a  party.  The  preserva- 
tion of  a  character  which  will  stand  the  test  of  moral 
principle  should  be  far  dearer.  If  a  party  cannot  live 
without  adopting  what  it  condemns,  let  it  perish  ;  let 
falsehood  and  shamelessness  triumph.  It  will  be  on- 
ly for  a  season.  From  the  ashes  of  a  party  that  has 
fallen  a  sacrifice  to  its  own  rectitude  will  arise  another 
phenix  of  political  virtue,  with  fresh  vigour  and  im- 
mortal hope.  It  is  sometimes  contended,  that  a  man 
must  go  with  his  party,  though  it  be  against  his  con- 
science. Mischievous  and  infamous  language.  What ! 
a  man  put  himself  into  chains,  that  he  may  plead  cap- 
tivity as  an  excuse  for  sin  ?  Shall  the  partisan  with 
his  own  hand  efface  the  prerogatives  of  his  humanity, 
and  dare  to  trample  on  the  laws  of  God,  though  he 
has  not,  and  because  he  has  not,  the  courage  to  break 
the  leash  in  which  he  is  led  along  like  a  hound 
watching  his  master's  eye  ?  No.  Every  one  of  us 
is  bound  by  higher  obligations  than  those  which  con- 
5 


34 

nect  him  with  a  party.  If  the  higher  and  the  inferior 
obligations  come  in  conflict,  let  the  true  man  snap  the 
latter,  as  if  they  were  bands  of  tow  and  not  fetters 
of  iron. 

The  most  powerful  instrument  that  a  political  par- 
ty can  use  for  the  accomplishment  of  its  ends,  wheth- 
er good  or  bad,  is  the  press,  and  therefore  this  should 
be  placed  under  the  control  of  moral  and  religious  con- 
viction. A  press  which  violates  the  sanctity  of  truth 
and  lends  itself  to  unrighteous  uses,  is  a  disgrace  to 
the  community  which  gives  it  support,  and  which 
cannot  long  endure  its  presence  without  feeling  its 
disastrous  influence.  If  men  sit  beneath  the  shade 
of  the  poison-tree,  they  cannot  but  inhale  its  noxious 
atmosphere.  The  press  should  be  consecrated  to  in- 
telligence and  virtue  ;  but  if,  instead  of  the  service 
which  it  may  render  to  the  highest  interests  of  man, 
it  condescends  to  become  the  pander  of  his  prejudi- 
ces and  the  slave  of  his  passions,  to  do  the  scavenger- 
work  of  a  party  in  the  unclean  ways  of  falsehood  and 
calumny,  it  deserves  only  scorn  and  reprobation.  An 
independent  press  is  a  blessing  to  a  land  ;  but  a  vag- 
abond or  a  hireling  press  is  a  nuisance.  The  inde- 
pendence of  the  press !  much  talked  about,  but  lit- 
tle exemplified,  and  probably  little  understood.  It 
does  not  consist  in  recklessness  of  assertion,  or  vio- 


35 

lence  of  language,  in  gross  misrepresentation,  and 
grosser  assault  on  character ;  but  in  maintaining  itself 
above  the  fluctuations  of  opinion  in  the  serene  heaven 
of  truth  and  principle,  in  trying  political  theories  and 
measures  by  the  standard  of  a  pure  morality,  in 
breasting  the  current  of  popular  or  party  sentiment 
when  it  runs  towards  evil,  and  in  advocating  the  right 
though  it  have  few  to  speak  on  its  behalf.  Why  can- 
not we  have  a  press  that  shall  exhibit  this  character  ? 
Ought  it  not  to  exist  in  a  Christian  nation  ?  Now, 
with  honorable  exceptions,  our  public  journals  give  no 
evidence  that  the  conception  of  such  a  character  was 
ever  entertained,  or  at  best  indicate  that  it  is  regard- 
ed as  an  ideal  excellence,  about  which  practical  men 
need  not  trouble  themselves.  The  tone  of  a  large 
portion  of  the  political  press  on  the  eve  or  during  the 
progress  of  an  election — and  in  our  country  but  little 
time  falls  without  this  description — is  unchristian,  im- 
moral, barbarous.  Strange  as  it  may  sound,  I  believe 
that  the  words  with  which  the  birth  of  the  Redeem- 
er was  celebrated  by  the  heavenly  host,  "  Glory  to 
God  in  the  highest ;  on  earth  peace,  goodwill  among 
men,"  express  the  aims  which  the  press  should  adopt 
and  the  spirit  in  which  its  labours  should  be  pursued. 
The  same  great  principles  of  conduct  which  we 
have  traced  in  their  application  to  the  private  offices 


36 

of  citizenship  should  be  adopted  by  public  men,  and 
by  these  principles  should  their  course  be  judged. 
They  should  act  under  a  sense  of  their  relations  to 
God  and  their  duty  to  their  fellow-men.  The  com- 
mon remark  is,  that  they  are  responsible  to  their  coun- 
try. But  there  is  a  higher  responsibleness  than  this, 
which  they  must  not  forget.  They  act  in  the  sight 
of  God,  and  on  each  one  of  them  devolve  the  obliga- 
tions of  personal  fidelity,  which  requires  that  they 
never  compromise  their  uprightness  nor  relinquish 
their  hold  on  a  virtuous  character.  Let  the  conduct 
of  statesmen  in  all  ages  be  brought  to  this  standard, 
and  how  will  it  bear  the  test  ?  The  very  principles 
on  which  statesmanship  has  proceeded — the  princi- 
ples of  crooked  policy  and  exclusive  national  advan- 
tage— are  fatal  to  purity  of  character.  It  is  related  of 
Lord  Stanhope,  one  of  the  ministers  of  George  I. 
that  one  day,  after  musing  some  time  in  company,  he 
started  up  and  said  as  to  himself,  "  It  is  impossible  !" 
and  being  asked  what  it  was  that  was  impossible,  he 
replied,  "  It  is  impossible  for  a  minister  to  be  an  hon- 
est man."  Was  there  not  sad  truth  as  well  as  keen 
satire  in  this  remark  of  one  whose  experience 
must  add  weight  to  his  opinion  ?  Still,  not  truth 
enough  to  justify  despair  ;  for  it  is  not  "impossible," 
that  men  in  the  most  conspicuous  and  dangerous  po- 


37 

sitions  should  hold  fast  their  integrity.  There  have 
been  those  who  have  passed  through  the  ordeal  un- 
harmed. Washington  alone  might  prove  that  public 
station  and  personal  excellence  may  be  maintained 
together.  And  besides  other  names  that  our  own 
annals  might  supply,  he  whom  the  providence  of  God 
removed  from  the  highest  office  in  this  nation  when 
he  had  but  just  crossed  its  threshold  was,  if  we  may 
believe  various  and  positive  testimony,  an  example  of 
moral  and  religious  character  worthy  of  universal  imi- 
tation. By  the  consent  of  all  parties,  the  late  Pres- 
ident Harrison  was  a  good  man  ;  and  now  that  he 
has  gone  to  the  judgment  where  there  is  no  respect 
of  persons,  who  does  not  feel  that  this  is  a  better  ti- 
tle than  he  could  have  won  by  the  most  splendid  ad- 
ministration of  our  government  ?  Impressive  is  the 
lesson  of  his  departure,  and  sincere  was  the  mourn- 
ing that  followed  him  to  his  grave  ;  but  the  remem- 
brance of  his  inflexible  though  modest  worth  will 
abide  in  the  firmament  of  public  life,  a  bright  star 
sending  down  its  calm  influence  through  the  interval 
of  years  and  ages.  Let  the  people  demand  of  their 
rulers  that  they  copy  this  example.  Let  them  say 
to  the  candidate  for  public  office, — We  require  moral 
principle,  we  desire  religious  faith,  in  those  to 
whom  we  commit  the  trusts  that  are  at  our  disposal ; 


we  wish  for  something  on  which  we  can  rely,  and  the 
only  thing  on  which  we  can  rely  is  character.  Let 
them  say  to  the  representatives  of  the  nation's  digni- 
ty on  the  floors  of  Congress, — Conduct  yourselves 
like  men  of  principle  ;  pollute  not  these  chambers  by 
invectives  that  would  disgrace  a  dramshop  nor  by  broils 
that  belong  to  scenes  of  midnight  riot ;  attend  to  the 
business  for  which  we  sent  you  to  the  national  halls, 
and  make  us  not  ashamed  of  ourselves  that  we  have 
chosen  men,  whom  we  cannot  respect,  to  be  our 
legislators. 

And  finally,  the  same  principles  which  should  sway 
individuals  in  all  the  relations  of  life  are  applicable  to 
nations  in  respect  to  both  their  internal  and  their 
foreign  affairs.  The  same  principles  of  reverence, 
justice  and  generosity.  Of  reverence ;  for  the  Di- 
vine providence  and  government  embrace  within  their 
oversight  the  largest  empire  as  well  as  the  humblest 
man,  even  as  the  same  care  guides  a  planet  that 
shapes  a  drop.  That  prayer  which  the  civil  author- 
ity of  the  State  puts  into  the  mouths  of  the  ministers 
of  religion,  "  God  save  the  Commonwealth  of  Mas- 
sachusetts," is  not  a  mere  form  of  words.  It  has  a 
meaning,  which  the  hearts  of  the  people  should  con- 
fess. Of  justice ;  for  a  community,  be  it  larger  or 
smaller,  in  its  action  but  expresses  the  aggregate  or 


39 

the  preponderance  of  certain  human  wills,  every  one 
of  which  should  be  subject  to  the  law  of  rectitude, 
and  whose  combined  force  must  therefore  represent 
the  prevalent  morality  of  the  members.  Nothing  can 
be  more  preposterous,  than  to  maintain  that  a  commu- 
nity is  not  bound  by  the  laws  of  moral  obligation.  If 
this  be  the  fact,  then  the  most  enormous  wickedness 
may  be  perpetrated,  fraud  and  injustice  execute  their 
projects  and  cruelty  bathe  its  hands  in  blood,  and 
no  one  be  guilty  ;  Heaven  be  defied,  and  earth  be 
stained,  but  no  one  culpable  !  A  State  is  bound  to 
keep  good  faith  as  much  as  an  individual.  It  is 
bound  to  deal  righteously  and  glorify  God,  to  "  es- 
chew evil  and  do  good."  The  doctrine  broached  in 
some  quarters,  that  legislation  may  be  dishonest  and 
yet  reproach  not  cleave  to  the  State  which  suffers  it, 
is  as  false  as  it  is  base.  They  by  whom  it  is  promul- 
gated are  enemies  nurtured  at  the  bosom  of  the 
Republic.  Their 

"  dishonour 

Mangles  true  judgment,  and  bereaves  the  State 
Of  that  integrity  which  should  become  it ; 
Not  having  the  power  to  do  the  good  it  would, 
For  the  ill  which  doth  control  it." 

Of  generosity  ;  for  the  sentiment  of  love  may  warm 
a  nation's  breast.  Political  institutions  need  not  en- 
gender exclusiveness.  Nations  should  treat  one  an- 


40 

other  honestly  and  openly,  discarding  that  maxim  on 
which  the  international  relations  of  the  world  have  in 
past  ages  been  conducted,  that  the  prosperity  of  each 
must  be  promoted  by  the  obstacles  thrown  in  the  way 
of  the  rest.  This  is  neither  a  Christian  nor  a  sound 
maxim.  Men  are  beginning  to  open  their  eyes  upon 
the  fact,  that  it  is  unsound  and  pernicious  ;  yet  how 
slow  are  they  in  coming  to  the  real  truth,  that  the 
nation  which  pays  the  most  sincere  respect  to  the 
rights,  and  shows  the  most  liberal  spirit  in  regard  to 
the  interests,  of  other  nations,  will  most  effectually 
secure  its  own  rights  and  advance  its  own  interests. 
It  is  time  that  the  old  Pagan  notion  of  patriotism 
should  be  displaced  by  more  just  ideas.  Love 
of  country  was  once  interpreted  to  mean  hatred 
of  all  other  people, — in  days  when  virtue  had  no  oth- 
er meaning  than  courage,  and  he  was  thought  to  show 
the  most  lofty  patriotism  who  bound  the  greatest  num- 
ber of  captives  to  the  car  of  victory.  It  is  time  that 
the  more  modern  conception  of  national  glory  as 
identical  with  national  superiority,  if  not  in  arms,  in 
some  other  class  of  achievements,  should  give  place 
to  a  right  appreciation  of  the  end  for  which  a  nation 
should  labour.  This  end  is  neither  aggrandizement 
nor  superiority,  but  virtue.  To  what  should  a  nation 
make  all  its  laws  and  institutions  and  the  whole  action 


41 

of  its  government  subservient  ?  To  the  improvement 
of  the  people ;  to  their  intellectual  and  moral  eleva- 
tion ;  to  their  individual  and  social  advancement.  As 
this  improvement  takes  place,  they  will  rise  to  a  no- 
bler conception  of  the  service  they  may  render  to 
mankind,  and  patriotism  will  be  found  to  harmonize 
with  philanthropy.  Then  will  the  miserable  jealous- 
ies which  have  been  cherished  and  the  execrable  pol- 
icy which  has  been  pursued  disappear  before  the  pro- 
gress of  Christian  sentiment.  Then  will  governments 
extend  to  each  other  an  open,  and  not  a  closed  or 
mailed,  hand.  Then  will  war  stand  forth  before  their 
view  in  all  its  hideousness,  its  features  distorted  by 
rage,  and  its  garments  dripping  with  blood, — a  mourn- 
ful and  a  fearful  spectacle.  Oh !  when  shall  the  time 
come,  that  the  true  character  of  War — its  horrors,  its 
vices,  its  crimes,  unredeemed  by  a  single  trait  proper- 
ly its  own, — shall  be  understood.  Almost  nineteen 
centuries  ago  was  the  Prince  of  Peace  born  into  the 
midst  of  the  woes  of  humanity, — this  the  greatest  of 
them  all, — that  he  might  drive  them  from  the  earth  ; 
and  still  war  ravages  the  globe  like  a  wild  beast  furi- 
ous with  hunger.  No  ;  I  have  spoken  hastily.  Ra- 
ther should  I  have  said,  like  one  who  feels  that  decay 
has  taken  hold  of  his  strength.  There  is  promise  of 
a  better  period,  when  men  shall  be  the  demon's  prey 

6 


42 

no  longer.     Oh  God,  hasten  that  time  for  thy  good- 
ness' and  thy  mercy's  sake  ! 

I  will  not  detain  this  assembly  to  examine  at  length 
the  objections  that  may  be  brought  against  the  doc- 
trine advanced  and  applied  in  this  discourse.  It  may 
be  said,  that  much  of  what  has  been  spoken  is  the  lan- 
guage of  fanaticism,  with  which  your  ears  should  not 
have  been  wearied.  But  no  sentiment  nor  word  that 
I  have  uttered  can  be  justly  stigmatized  as  fanatical, 
if  the  positions  which  I  took  at  first,  and  from  which 
I  apprehend  that  no  one  dissented,  were  correct,  and 
if  the  results  to  which  we  have  been  led  are  the  legi- 
timate consequence  of  taking  those  positions.  It  may 
be  said,  that  this  is  another  weak  attempt  on  the  part 
of  the  clergy  to  regain  an  influence  which  they  have 
irrecoverably  lost.  The  absurdity  of  the  idea  is  its 
sufficient  refutation.  It  may  be  said,  that  this  is  the 
first  step,  feebly  put  forth  indeed,  towards  a  union  of 
Church  and  State.  Church  and  State !  words  of 
wonderful  power  over  our  fears  and  our  imaginations. 
But  who  can  for  a  moment  seriously  believe  that  such 
a  purpose  is  entertained  by  one  who  loves,  or  by  one 
who  understands,  American  institutions  ?  A  State 
religion  does  any  one  dread  ?  1  should  think  there 
was  just  now  more  danger  of  almost  any  thing  else. 
It  is  not  a  national  Christianity,  but  a  Christian  na- 


43 

lion,  which  I  desire  to  see ;  and  if  this  wish  betray 
an  unfriendly  feeling  towards  republican  principles, 
then  I  must  bear  the  reproach,  but  1  shall  not  bear  it 
alone.     Thousands  and  thousands  of  hearts  wish  the 
same,  and  pray  for  it  morning  and   night,  year  after 
year  ;  and  if  the  answer  to  that  prayer  come  not  be- 
fore they  die,  they  will  have  taught  it  to  another  gen- 
eration, who  will  not  fail  to  repeat  it, — I  trust,  with  a 
hope  brightened  by  the  nearer  prospect  of  its  fulfil- 
ment.    It  may  be  said,  that  our  demands  are  unrea- 
sonable, and  our  aims  impracticable.     But  our  de- 
mands only  include  the   righteousness  of  the  land, 
and  our  aims  are  addressed  to  the  sanctification  of  the 
people  by  means  of  that  religion  which  has  shown 
that  it  is  fitted  to  exercise  universal  dominion,  by  the 
triumphs  it  has  secured  in  every  condition  of  society 
and    every  situation  of  life.      It  may   be    said,  that 
things  are  in  a  sufficiently  good  state ;  that  the  coun- 
try is  at  peace,  though  some  men  and  some  writers 
are  doing  their  utmost  to  involve  it  in  war ;  that  our 
public  men  succeed  in  keeping  the  wheels  of  govern- 
ment  in   motion,  though  they  sometimes  discover  a 
deplorable    lack  both  of  skill  and  of  principle ;  and 
that  the  people  are,  on  the  whole,  virtuous  and  per- 
haps religious,  if  they  do  not  connect   their  religion 
with  their  politics.      I  do  not  believe  that  those  whom 


44 

I  address  will  say  that  this  description  satisfies  their 
desires  in  behalf  of  the  American  Republic.  And  if 
it  do  not,  what  is  our  duty  but  to  contribute  all  the 
influence  we  can  bestow,  by  speech  or  example,  to 
introduce  a  change  ?  It  may  be  said  yet  again,  that 
a  change  is  going  on  ;  the  world  is  growing  better, 
and  if  we  will  only  be  patient,  we  shall  grow  better 
too,  because  we  belong  to  the  world  and  cannot  be 
left  behind.  Once  more  I  say  in  reply,  that  I  am 
not  content  with  no  greater  progress  than  the  old 
States  of  Europe,  burthened  with  the  institutions  of 
dark  ages  and  tottering  with  infirmity,  are  able  to 
make.  It  is  for  us  to  encourage  them,  by  the  specta- 
cle of  what  may  be  accomplished  by  young  and  un- 
shackled energies.  It  is  for  us  to  do  the  world  a 
greater  service  than  it  has  yet  received  through 
achievements  wrought  on  this  soil.  We  have  assert- 

o 

ed  the  principles  of  political  liberty,  and  established 
them  above  the  reach  of  overthrow.  It  remains  for 
us  to  vindicate  the  principles  of  political  virtue.  We 
have  placed  the  sceptre  in  the  hands  of  freedom  ;  let 
us  enthrone  religion  in  still  loftier  state.  American 
patriotism  !  be  it  such  as  the  world  has  nc  ver  yet 
seen.  American  statesmanship  !  be  it  such  as  man- 
kind shall  wronder  at,  till  their  admiration  subsides 
into  imitation.  American  character  !  be  it  such  as 


45 

Christian  sires  would  rejoice  to  see  worn  by  their 
posterity,  and  unborn  generations  shall  receive  as  the 
most  precious  inheritance  that  could  be  transmitted 
to  them.  Be  morality  and  piety  the  guardians  of  our 
public  welfare  ;  and  as  the  years  roll  on,  may  they 
extend  a  more  visible  protection  over  our  interests, 
till  the  guidance  which  Jehovah  granted  of  old  to 
the  people  of  Israel  in  the  pillar  of  flame  and  cloud, 
shall  be  more  than  realized  in  the  presence  of  the 
Lord  our  God  with  us  and  our  children. 

To  you,  Sir,  who  have  again  been  called  by  the 
voice  of  this  Commonwealth  to  preside  over  its  con- 
cerns, I  cannot  doubt  that  the  sentiments  of  this  dis- 
course will  be  as  acceptable  as  they  are  familiar.  If 
they  seem  but  the  echo  of  your  own  long-cherished 
purposes  and  habits,  I  need  not  on  that  account  re- 
gret the  course  my  remarks  have  taken.  Permit 
me  to  congratulate  myself,  and  my  fellow-citizens, 
on  the  occupancy  of  the  chair  of  State  by  one  who 
has  proved  himself  in  various  situations  an  upright 
politician  and  a  Christian  statesman  ;  and  let  me  hope 
that  the  year  of  public  service  on  which  you  have 
now  entered  may  still  further  illustrate  the  force  of 
moral  principle,  and  the  beauty  of  religious  character. 

To  him  who  is  associated  with  the  Chief  Magis- 


46 

trate  as  his  nearest  adviser,  and  to  the  other  members 
of  his  Council,  I  may  be  allowed  to  express  my  con- 
viction, that  in  the  discharge  of  their  public  func- 
tions they  will  maintain  consciences  "  void  of  offence 
towards  God  and  towards  men,"  and  will  prove  them- 
selves worthy  of  the  confidence  which  has  been  re- 
posed in  them  by  their  fellow-citizens  and  fellow- 
christians. 

To  the  members  of  both  branches  of  the  Legisla- 
ture I  beg  leave  to  extend  my  congratulations,  on 
the  opportunity  afforded  them  of  exhibiting  the  con- 
nexion of  the  highest  truths  with  the  most  important 
offices  of  life.  With  them  it  remains  to  show  how 
religion  and  politics  can  be  united,  without  marring 
the  sanctity  of  the  one,  or  impairing  the  freedom  of 
the  other.  And  in  closing  the  remarks,  to  which,  if 
I  could,  I  would  frame  an  apology  for  compelling 
them  so  long  to  listen  —  but  my  only  apology  must 
be  my  interest  in  the  subject  —  I  know  not  how  I 
can  better  express  my  gratitude  for  their  attention, 
or  my  desire  for  their  greatest  good,  than  by  indulg- 
ing the  mingled  hope  and  belief,  that  they  will,  in 
the  discharge  of  their  official  duties,  show  themselves 
to  be  "  able  men,  such  as  fear  God,  men  of  truth, 
hating  covetousness,"  and,  whatever  they  do,  doing 
"  all  to  the  glory  of  God." 


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